Muslim Civilization in India
by
S. M. Ikram
edited by
Ainslie T. Embree
New York: Columbia University Press, 1964
(presented here through the generous permission of Columbia University Press)
Chronology and Dynasties, 712-1526
First Phase
The Sultanate
I. The
Impact of the
Arabs
ISLAM
[[3]]
ISLAM, the youngest of the three great Semitic religions, dates from
the
early years of the seventh century./1/
Its founder, the Prophet Muhammad, was born in 570 A.D. in Mecca, an
important
center on the caravan route along the western coast of Arabia. At the
age
of forty he saw visions and received revelations which, as embodied in
the Quran, constitute the message and teachings of Islam. The
tremendous
vision of the majesty and power of God which came to Muhammad found
expression
in the central creed: "There is no God but God and Muhammad is his
prophet."
This uncompromising declaration of faith in the unity of God was a
challenge
to the polytheism that flourished in Arabia, especially in Mecca where
the main temple, the Kaaba, housed more than three hundred idols. While
the proclamation of God's oneness was originallythe main feature of
Islam,
other characteristics gradually developed, particularly an emphasis on
the brotherhood of all believers and the equality of all men before
God,
irrespective of class, color, or race. Specific injunctions, such as
the
prohibition of the use of intoxicants, also became an essential feature
of the Islamic way of life, helping to weld the believers in Islam into
a cohesive, self-conscious social group. These beliefs and practices
finally
found vivid form in the "Five Pillars of Islam," an easily remembered
summary
of ritual and doctrine. These are: 1) profession of faith in the unity
of God and the prophetic mission of Muhammad; 2) the observance of the
five daily prayers; 3) the giving of alms; 4) fasting during the month
of Ramadan; and 5) the making of a pilgrimage to Mecca. Each of these
was
open to interpretation and elaboration, but they provided, in their
simplicity
and.inclusiveness, a framework that proved capable of binding people of
the most diverse races and of levels of cultural achievement into a
brotherhood
that built, with astonishing rapidity, a civilization that stretched
from
the Iberian peninsula to the islands of the Eastern Seas.
[[4]]
Despite the special features it had from its birth and the others it
acquired
in the course of its history, Islam essentially claims to be a
continuation
of the earlier religions of western Asia, particularly Judaism and
Christianity.
According to the Quran, prophets were sent to all nations and social
groups
to show them the right path. Four of them, Adam, Abraham, Moses, and
Jesus,
find a frequent mention in the Quran. The ritual code of Islam is,
indeed,
largely based on that of Judaism as practiced in Arabia in Muhammad's
time.
There are, for example, ceremonial prayers, with Friday taking the
place
of the Saturday Sabbath; a month of fasting (Ramadan); festivals
including
the celebration of Old Testament events such as the sacrifice of Isaac
(Ismail, in the Islamic version). There is the Judaic conception of
"unclean
meats," including the prohibition of pork. The references to
Christianity
and Christians in the Quran are friendly; Jesus is referred to as the
spirit
of God and many miracles are ascribed to him. But Islam firmly rejected
belief in the Trinity as a reversion to polytheism.
Muhammad
received a very poor response in his own birthplace. He and the few
followers
he was able to gather were persecuted, and in 622 he had to flee from
Mecca
to Medina. This migration, known as the Hijra, proved highly
propitious,
for from this time, Islam rapidly gained adherents. In Medina the
Prophet
was not only the founder of a new religion, but he was also the head of
a city-state. Gradually Islam began spreading outside Medina, and
before
the Prophet died in 632, almost the entire peninsula of Arabia had
adopted
Islam.
Muhammad
left no male heir. On his death claims were made on behalf of his
son-in-law
and cousin Ali, but senior members of the community elected as their
leader
or caliph, the Prophet's companion, Abu Bakr, who was one of the
earliest
converts to Islam. He successfully dealt with the local rebellions, and
sent troops against the Byzantine and the Persian empires, with whom
disputes
had arisen during the last days of the Prophet. The two great empires
had
weakened themselves by centuries of mutual warfare, and the
ill-equipped
Arab armies were victorious. Abu Bakr died after only two years in
office,
and was succeeded by Umar (r. 634-644 ), under whose leadership [[5]]
the Islamic community was transformed into a vast empire. Syria and
Egypt
in the west and Persia in the east were conquered, and an
administrative
basis was devised for the organization of Islamic territory. The
sanctions
for this governmental structure were the precepts of the Quran and the
example of the Prophet, but Umar's administration reflects his own
robust
common sense and his knowledge of the experience of other rulers. After
the conquest of Iran, for example, he invited a group of Iranian
officials
to Medina to explain its government under former rulers. His system of
maintaining a bureau of official registers was derived from Iranian
practice,
as was the idea of jizya, the poll tax levied on non-Muslims.
After
ten years, Umar was succeeded by Usman (r. 644-656), who was followed
by
Ali (r. 656-661), the last of the four "Righteous Caliphs."
Owing
to his relationship with the Prophet as well as to personal bravery,
nobility
of character, and intellectual and literary gifts, Caliph Ali occupies
a special place in the history of Islam, but he was unable to control
the
tribal and personal quarrels of the Arabs. After his death, Muawiyah
(r.
661-680), the first of the Umayyad caliphs, seized power and
transferred
the seat of caliphate from Medina to Damascus. In 680 occurred the
tragedy
of Karbala when Imam Husain, son of Ali and grandson of the Prophet,
fell
a martyr. Three years later the succession passed from Muawiyah's
grandson
to another branch of the Umayyad dynasty, which continued in power
until
750. During this period the Muslim armies overran Asia Minor, conquered
the north coast of Africa, occupied Spain (711), and were halted only
in
the heart of France at Tours (732) .In the east the Muslim empire was
extended
to Central Asia, and, as we shall see, it was during this period that a
part of the Indian subcontinent was annexed. In the course of these
conquests,
the Arabs became subject to older civilizations. Damascus was located
in
the heart of Syria, where Greek and Syrian culture had flowered for
ages,
and the Umayyad capital displayed a cultural and social life quite
different
from that of puritanical Medina. As heirs to the Byzantine
civilization,
the Umayyads developed the postal service, introduced a new coinage,
established
a state archive in Damascus, and introduced other changes in the
organization
of government.
[[6]]
Religious schisms in Islam began early and often paralleled political
divisions.
The two principal sects are Shia and Sunni. The former, more correctly
known as Shiah-i-Ali (the partisans of Ali), hold that Ali should have
succeeded the Prophet. The Sunnis, who make up the vast majority of the
Muslim world, accept the order in which the succession of the
"Righteous
Caliphs" actually took place. The Shias were subdivided into two
branches--the
Ismailis, who played a more important role in the early history of
Islam
than they do today, and the main Shia group, whose creed is the state
religion
of Iran.
The Arab Conquest of Sind
It
was against this background of rapid expansion that the first contacts
between Islam and India took place. Since time immemorial spices and
other
articles from India and southeast Asia had been in great demand in
Egypt
and southern Europe, with the transit trade largely in the hands of
Arabs,
who brought merchandise from the Indian ports to Yemen in southern
Arabia.
The goods were then sent by land to the Syrian ports to be shipped
again
to Egypt and Europe. The rise of Islam did not, therefore, give rise to
the connection with India, but it added a new dimension. Trade
continued
after the Arabs had embraced Islam, and the first major conflict
between
the Indian subcontinent and Muslim Arabia arose out of developments
connected
with Arab sailors plying their trade about the Indian Ocean. They
sailed
as far as Ceylon, and when some of them died on that island, the local
ruler thought it expedient to send their widows and children to Arabia,
with gifts and letters of goodwill for Hajjaj (661-714), the powerful
viceroy
of the eastern provinces of the Umayyad empire. Unfavorable winds drove
the vessels carrying the gifts and the survivors close to the shores of
Debul (an inland port near modern Karachi). Here pirates attacked them,
plundered the gifts, and took the Muslim women and children as
captives.
Hajjaj, on learning of this, protested to Dahar, the ruler of Sind, and
demanded the release of the prisoners and restoration of the booty, but
he received only an evasive reply. The enraged Hajjaj, famous in Arab
history
as [[7]] much for his severity as for his administrative
ability,
persuaded Caliph Walid to authorize punitive measures against Dahar.
Two
expeditions sent against Dahar ended in failure, but for the third,
Hajjaj
sent a hand-picked body of soldiers under the command of his
son-in-law,
Muhammad ibn Qasim. The Arab general, with six thousand horsemen, a
camel
corps of equal strength, and a baggage train of three thousand camels,
marched against Debul by way of Shiraz and through Makran. He received
reinforcements on the way and in the autumn of 711 appeared before
Debul.
Hajjaj, who had made very thorough preparations, sent the siege
artillery
by sea, including a huge balista, affectionately called al-'arus,
"the bride," which was worked by five hundred men. Protected by strong
stone fortifications, the Debul garrison offered stiff resistance, but
ultimately the fort was captured and the Muslim flag was hoisted for
the
first time on the soil of the Indian subcontinent.
Making
light of the fall of Debul as a mere commercial town, Dahar made plans
to give battle before the strong fortress of Brahmanabad. A decisive
encounter
did not take place for several months, however, owing to the
difficulties
confronting the Arabs. Apart from the greater forces assembled by
Dahar,
an epidemic of scurvy broke out among the Arab troops, and their horses
also suffered from sickness. Hajjaj sent reinforcements, but perhaps
even
more valuable was the assistance he rendered in dealing with the
scurvy.
His manner of transporting a large supply of vinegar in concentrated
form
illustrates the resourcefulness of the early Arabs. Cotton was soaked
in
thick concentrated vinegar and dried. This operation was repeated until
the cotton could hold no more liquid; then the cotton was sent to Sind,
where the vinegar was extracted by soaking the cotton in water. This
supply
of vinegar brought the scurvy under control, and in the extreme heat of
June, 712, the Arabs crossed the river and faced Dahar's army. The
battle
was fought with great vigor on both sides, but the superior Arab
generalship
and the skill of the Arab archers gave them the victory. Dahar lost his
life on the battlefield, and with his death the Hindu army lost heart
and
fled from the field. Muhammad captured Brahmanabad, and married Rani
Ladi,
Dahar's widow, thus becoming the master of Lower Sind.
[[8]]
The Arab general spent some time in organizing the administration of
the
conquered area, then he started for Aror (near modern Sukkur), Dahar's
capital, now held by one of his sons. After a brief siege the town
surrendered,
and soon Muhammad proceeded to complete the conquest of Upper Sind. He
moved towards Punjab. Multan, the leading city, was well fortified, but
a deserter brought information about a stream which supplied water to
the
city, and by diverting it the Arabs were able to force the garrison to
surrender in 713. Muhammad was now master of the whole of Sind and part
of the Punjab. After the occupation of Multan, he advanced to the
borders
of the kingdom of Kashmir. Threatened by this move, the raja of Kashmir
sent an envoy to the Chinese emperor asking for help. He received no
aid,
but events at home stopped further Arab advance. Hajjaj, Muhammad ibn
Qasim's
father-in-law and the viceroy of the eastern provinces, died in 714,
and
in the following year the Caliph Walid, who had been his supporter,
also
died. The new caliph was Sulaiman, a bitter enemy of Hajjaj's family.
The
policy of extremism, partisanship, and violence which Hajjaj had
followed
now brought its nemesis. Death saved him from the new caliph's wrath,
but
his family had to pay the penalty. Sulaiman appointed a new governor,
recalled
Muhammad ibn Qasim, and handed him to an officer who had the young
conqueror
of Sind tortured to death in an Iraqi prison.
The
comparative ease with which the Arabs defeated the Indian forces and
occupied
a large territory calls for explanation. It was due partly to the
quality
of their troops, the ability of the military commander, and the
superiority
of the Arab military technique. But the conciliatory policy which
Muhammad
ibn Qasirn adopted towards all those who submitted to the Arabs also
facilitated
his task, and the Arab conquest was noteworthy more for voluntary
surrenders
than for bloody battles. At Nirun, for example, the Buddhist priests
welcomed
the general, and at Sehwan the populace revolted against the Hindu
governor
and submitted to Muhammad ibn Qasim. Popular dissatisfaction with the
former
rulers, or at least indifference to their fate, seems in fact to have
contnbuted
substantially to Arab success. A large proportion of the population of
Sind and Multan was Buddhist, but Chach, a Brahmin minister of the
Buddhist
king, had [[9]] usurped the throne in 622, and his dynasty was
not
popular with large sections of the people. Even the chiefs and
officials
were quick to offer allegiance to the Arabs. As R. C. Majumdar has
remarked:
"To the inexplicable want of strategy on the part of Dahar and the
treachery
of the Buddhists of the south, we must add the base betrayal of the
chief
officials and grandees of Sind to account for its ignominious end. All
important chiefs and officials seem to have deserted his cause. This is
partly accounted for by the superstitious idea prevailing among the
people
that according to the Hindu Sastras the country was destined to fall
into
the hands of the Muhammadans, and it was, therefore, useless to fight.
But the attitude of chiefs was perhaps due also to personal feelings
against
the son of the usurper who had driven out the old royal family."/2/
Dahar's
hold over southern Sind, largely Buddhist, was also very feeble, as
this
area had come under his rule only a short time before the Arab
invasion.
Chach (r.622-666) had tried to buttress his position by a policy of
ruthless
suppression of the dissident groups. He inflicted great humiliation on
the Jats, who were forbidden to carry swords or wear fine garments or
to
ride on horseback with saddles, and they were commanded to walk about
with
their heads and feet bare, accompanied by dogs./3/
Muslims who were fighting his son won the sympathies of the oppressed
classes,
and perhaps the most important cause of the Arab success was the
support
of the Jats and the Meds. At an early stage they started enlisting
under
Muhammad ibn Qasim's banner, "which independent of its moral effect in
dividing national sympathies, and relaxing the unanimity of defense
against
foreign aggression, must have been of incalculable benefit to him, in
his
disproportionate excess of cavalry, which could be of little service in
a country intersected by rivers, swamps, and canals."/4/
Muhammad
ibn Qasim was only seventeen when he was appointed to a hazardous
military
command in a distant and little-known territory. Apparently he was
selected
because of his kinship with the all-powerful [[10]] Hajjaj, but
he had already been a successful governor of Shiraz ,and his efficiency
in carrying out his assignment in Sind fully justified the choice. His
great achievement was, of course, as a military commander and the way
in
which he and his troops overwhelmed bigger forces. He combined great
courage
and resourcefulness with moderation and statesmanship of a high order.
He had a warm personality, ready to enjoy the humor of new and odd
situations
and to exchange jokes with his companions. With all this he was a
disciplined
soldier, as is evident from the manner in which he carried out Hajjaj's
directions and later quietly, without demur, submitted to the orders of
the new caliph in his last supreme act of self-renunciation. In
emphasizing
this side of Muhammad ibn Qasim's character it should be remembered
that
he was the leader of a punitive expedition. At Debul, where he had to
blot
out the memories of the defeat and massacre of the Arab forces sent
earlier
against Dahar, and later at Multan, where he was stubbornly resisted,
he
was harsh and ruthless, but such occasions were exceptional. Normally
he
was humane and considerate, and though no subordinate of Hajjaj could
afford
to show any weakness, Muhammad achieved his object more by negotiation
and grant of liberal terms than by warfare. He made systematic efforts
to seek out the officers of the old regime, showered honors and favors
on them, and made them his collaborators in the task of administration.
Foremost
among these were Sisakar, Raja Dahar's minister, and Kaksa, the raja's
nephew. Sisakar won his way into Muhammad ibn Qasim's favor by
restoring
the widows and children of the Arabian sailors, whose capture by
pirates
had originally brought down Hajjaj's wrath on Dahar. Sisakar was made
principal
adviser in affairs relating to Lower Sind. Kaksa's position was even
more
important. "The minister Kaksa," according to an early historian, "was
a learned man and a philosopher of Hind. When he came to transact
business,
Muhammad ibn Qasim used to make him sit before the throne and then
consult
him, and Kaksa took precedence in the army before all the nobles and
commanders.
He collected the revenue of the country and the treasury was placed
under
his seal. He assisted Muhammad ib Qasim in all his undertakings, and
was
addressed by the title of [[11]] mubarak mushir
(prosperous
counsellor)."/5/
The generosity shown by Muhammad to the leading Indian administrators
was
rewarded by their loyal cooperation.
Arab Administration
The
Arab administration in Sind followed the general pattern adopted by the
Arab conquerors in other countries. The normal rule was to employ local
talent and make minimum changes in local practices. Caliph Umar,
acknowledged
as the chief creator of the Arab system of administration, had laid
down
the working principle that Arabs should not acquire landed property in
conquered territories. Under his system the conquering general of a new
territory became its governor, but "most of the subordinate officers
were
allowed to retain their posts." Available evidence about Sind shows
that
these injunctions were observed. The Arabs established themselves in
large
towns, which were also military cantonments, and provided the military
garrisons, but civil administration was left largely in the hands of
the
local chiefs, only a few of whom had accepted Islam.
The
administrative arrangements which Muhammad ibn Qasim made with the
non-Muslims
after his victory over Dahar are often referred to as "the Brahmanabad
settlement." The basic principle was to treat the Hindus as "the people
of the book," and to confer on them the status of the zimmis
(the
protected). In some respects the arrangements were even more liberal
than
those granted to "the people of the book" by the later schools of
Islamic
law. For example, according to later opinion the zimmis could
not
repair their places of worship, although existing ones were allowed to
stand. The question of repairing a damaged temple came up before
Muhammad,
who referred the matter to Hajjaj. The latter, having consulted the 'ulama
of Damascus, not only granted the permission asked for, but declared
that
so long as non-Muslims paid their dues to the state they were free to
live
in whatever manner they liked. "It appears," Hajjaj wrote, "that the
chief
inhabitants of Brahmanabad had petitioned to be allowed to repair the
temple
of Budh and pursue their religion. As they have [[12]] made
submission,
and have agreed to pay taxes to the Khalifa, nothing more can properly
be required from them. They have been taken under our protection, and
we
cannot in any way stretch out our hands upon their lives or property.
Permission
is given them to worship their gods. Nobody must be forbidden and
prevented
from following his own religion. They may live in their houses in
whatever
manner they like."/6/
According to one early Muslim historian, the Arab conqueror
countenanced
even the privileged position of the Brahmans, not only in religious
matters,
but also in the administrative sphere. "Muhammad ibn Qasim maintained
their
dignity and passed orders confirming their pre-eminence. They were
protected
against opposition and violence." Even the 3 percent share of
government
revenue which they had received during the ascendancy of the Brahman
rulers
of Sind, was conceded to them. In his arrangements for the collection
of
taxes, Muhammad ibn Qasim also made an attempt to provide some
safeguards
against oppression, by appointing "people from among the villagers and
the chief citizens to collect the fixed taxes from the cities and the
villages
so that there might be the feeling of strength and protection."/7/
When
the Abbasids overthrew the Umayyads in 750 they sent their own officers
to Sind. The Abbasid governor, Hisham, who came to Sind in 757, carried
out successful raids against Gujarat and Kashmir, but no permanent
additions
to Arab dominion were made. Later, through preoccupations at home, Arab
control over Sind weakened, with the process of disintegration being
accelerated
by tribal conflicts among local Arabs. One governor went so far as to
revolt
against Caliph al-Mamun. The rebellion was put down, but Musa (son of
Yahya
the Barmakid, the famous wazir of Harun-al-Rashid), who was placed in
charge
of the affairs of Sind, nominated as his successor on his death in 836
his son Amran. The caliph recognized the appointment, but the beginning
of the hereditary succession to governorship meant a weakening of the
hold
of Baghdad. An energetic ruler, Amran dealt firmly with the
disturbances
of the Jats and the Meds, but internecine quarrels among the Arabs
flared
up and he lost his life [[13]]
*INDIA
IN 900*
[14] after a brief reign. In 854 the
Hibbari family
became hereditary rulers of Sind, with Mansura as their capital. In
course
of time, Multan became independent and the Hindus reestablished
themselves
in Rohri.
The
severance of contacts with Baghdad made Sind and Multan a happy hunting
ground for the emissaries of the rivals of the Abbasids, the Ismaili
rulers
of Cairo. Their first missionary came to Sind in 883 and started secret
propaganda in favor of the Ismaili caliph. After the ground had been
prepared,
military aid was obtained from Cairo, and through a coup d'etat Multan
was captured in 977. Ismaili doctrines were now adopted as the official
religion, and the
khutba was read in the name of the Egyptian ruler.
The Ismailis destroyed the old historic temple of Multan, which
Muhammad
ibn Qasim had left in charge of the Hindus, and built a mosque on its
site.
Mansura remained with the Hibbari family, at least until 985, but at a
later date this also became a small Ismaili stronghold. The Ismailis
suffered
a setback with the rise of Mahmud of Ghazni, who in 1005 compelled the
ruler of Multan to recant his Ismaili beliefs and some twenty years
later
conquered Mansura on his return from Somnath. The Ismaili creed
regained
strength as the Ghaznavids weakened, but in 1175 Sultan Muhammad Ghuri
captured Multan and appointed an orthodox Sunni as governor. The area
was
incorporated in the Sunni sultanate first of Ghazni, and later of Delhi.
Intellectual Achievements
During
the Umayyad and the early Abbasid period, when the Arabs were at the
height
of their political power, they were also active in the intellectual
field,
making every effort to acquire knowledge from all sources. Sind became
the link through which the fruits of Indian learning were transmitted
to
the Arabs, and by them made available to the rest of the civilized
world.
Indo-Arab intellectual collaboration was at its height during two
distinct
periods. During the reign (753-774) of Mansur, embassies from Sind to
Baghdad
included scholars who brought important books with them./8/
The second fruitful period [[15]] was the reign (780-808) of
Harun-al-Rashid,
when the Barmakid family, which provided wazirs to the Abbasid
caliphs
for half a century, was at the zenith of its power. Arab bibliographers
especially mention Harun's wazir, Yahya the Barmakid, Yahya's son Musa,
and grandson Amran (both of whom governed Sind for some time) for their
interest in India and Indian sciences. Besides sending scholars to
India
to study medicine and pharmacology, they brought Hindu scholars to
Baghdad,
made them chief physicians of their hospitals, and commissioned them to
translate into Arabic, Sanskrit books on such subjects as medicine,
pharmacology,
toxicology, philosophy, and astrology.
The
earliest recorded Indo-Arab intellectual contact came in 771, when a
Hindu
astronomer and mathematician reached Baghdad, bringing with him a
Sanskrit
work (Brahma Siddhanta by Brahma-gupta) which he translated into
Arabic with the help of an Arab mathematician. Titles of three other
works
on astronomy translated from Sanskrit have been preserved by Arab
bibliographers,
but Siddhanta, which came to be known in Arabic as "Sindhind,"
had the greatest influence on the development of Arab astronomy. In
mathematics
the most important contribution of the subcontinent to Arabic learning
was the introduction of what are known in the West as "Arabic
numerals,"
but which Arabs themselves call "Indian numerals" (al-ruqum-al-Hindiyyah).
Indian
medicine received even greater attention; the titles of at least
fifteen
works in Sanskrit which were translated into Arabic have been
preserved,
including books by Sushruta and Caraka, the foremost authorities in
Hindu
medicine. One of the translated books was on veterinary science, and
another
dealt with snakes and their poisons. None of these translations are now
known to exist, except a rendering of a book on poisons, which was
originally
translated into Persian for Khalid-al-Barmaki, the Abbasid wazir, and
later
was translated into Arabic. Indian doctors enjoyed great prestige at
Baghdad,
and although their names, like the titles of their works, have been
mutilated
beyond recognition in Arab bibliographies, their number was very great.
One of these men, Manka, was specially sent for when Harun-al-Rashid
fell
ill and could not be cured by Baghdad doctors. [[16]] Manka's
treatment
was successful, and not only was he richly rewarded by the grateful
caliph,
but he was entrusted with the translation of medical books from
Sanskrit.
Another Indian physician was called in when a cousin of the caliph
suffered
a paralytic stroke and was given up for lost by the Greek court
physician.
Many Indian medicines, some of them in their original names such as atrifal,
which is the Hindi tri-phal (a combination of three fruits),
found
their way into Arab pharmacopoeia.
Astrology
and palmistry also received considerable attention at Baghdad, and
titles
of a large number of books translated from Sanskrit on these subjects
have
been preserved. Other books which were translated were on logic,
alchemy,
magic, ethics, statecraft, and the art of war, but literary works
gained
the greatest popularity. Some of the stories of the Arabian Nights'
Entertainments are attributed to Indian origin, and Arabic
translations
of the Panchtantra, popularly known as the story of Kalila and
Dimna,
have become famous in various Arabic and Persian versions. The games of
chess and chausar were also brought from India and transmitted by Arabs
to other parts of the world.
Sind
also made a contribution in spheres other than science and leaming.
While
the debt of the Sufis, the Islamic mystics, to Indian religion in
general
is not certain, the links of Sind with Islamic Sufism are fairly
definite.
The great early Sufi, Bayazid of Bistam, had a Sindhi as his spiritual
teacher. "I leamed," he said, "the science of annihilation (ilm-i-fana)
and unity (tauhid) from Abu Ali (of Sind) and Abu Ali leamed the
lessons of Islamic unity from me."/9/
The close association of Sind with Sufism is maintained to this day,
and
one of the most marked features of Sind is the dominant place which
Sufism
occupies in her literary and religious life.
Our
knowledge of India's impact on Arab cultural life is based on
contemporary
Arab sources, but it is far from complete. No title of any Sanskrit
book
on music translated at Baghdad is available, but it is known that the
music
of the subcontinent influenced Arab music. That it was appreciated in
the
Abbasid capital is indicated by the [[17]] famous Arab author
Jahiz
(fl. 869), who wrote in his account of the people of the Indo-Pakistan
subcontinent that "Their music is pleasing. One of their musical
instruments
is known as Kankalah, which is played with a string stretched on a
pumpkin."
This would seem to be a reference to an Indian instrument, the kingar,
which is made with two gourds. Another indication of widespread
knowledge
of Indian music is a reference by an Arabic author from Andalusia to an
Indian book on tunes and melodies./10/
It has even been suggested that many of the technical terms for Arab
music
were borrowed from Persia and India and that Indian music itself has
incorporated
certain Perso-Arab airs, such as Yeman and Hijj from
Hijaz
and Zanuglah, corrupted into Jangla./11/
No
connected history of Sind and Multan after the recall of Muhammad ibn
Qasim
is available, but works of Arab travelers and geographers enable us to
fill the gap. In particular Masudi, who visited what is now West
Pakistan
in 915-916, has left a brilliant account of the conditions in the Indus
valley, from Waihind in the north to Debul in the south. Ibn Haukul,
another
traveler, visited the area some years later. Both agree that the
principal
Arab colonies were at Mansura, Multan, Debul, and Nirun, all of which
had
large Friday mosques. Non-Muslims formed the bulk of the population,
and
were in a preponderant majority at Debul and Alor. The relations
between
the Arabs and the non-Muslirns were good. Unlike the historians of the
sultanate period, the Arab travelers refer to the non-Muslims as zimmis
and not as kafirs (infidels). Soon after the conquest of Sind
and
Multan, the killing of cows was banned in the area. The reason may have
been a simple desire to preserve the cattle wealth, but regard for
Hindu
sentiments may also have been partly responsible for this step. Some
Hindu
chiefs showed a sympathetic interest in Islam, for in 886 a Hindu raja
commissioned an Arab linguist from Mansura to translate the Quran into
the local language./12/
Another indication of the integration of the population into the
general
[[18]]
life of the ruling class was the use of Sindhi troops in Arab armies.
Contemporary
records mention their presence in areas as distant as the frontiers of
the Byzantine empire./13/
Arab
rulers adopted local practices to a much greater extent than the
Ghaznavids
did later at Lahore, or the Turks and the Afghans at Delhi. According
to
Masudi, the ruler of Mansura had eighty war elephants and occasionally
rode in a chariot drawn by elephants. The Arabs of Mansura generally
dressed
like the people of Iraq, but the dress of the ruler was similar to that
of the Hindu rajas, and, like them, he wore earrings and kept his hair
long.
After
Muhammad ibn Qasim there were no large-scale Arab immigrations, and
Arab
influence gradually diminished; but Sind and Multan remained in contact
with the Arab countries, particularly Iraq and Egypt. At the time of
Masudi's
visit Arabic and Sindhi were spoken in Sind, but Iranian influences
were
also strong, particularly after the rise of the Dailamites, when the
use
of Persian became more prevalent, especially in Multan.
Arab
rule produced men of note in Sind and Multan, some of whom achieved
fame
and distinction in Damascus and Baghdad. One of them, Abu Maashar
Sindhi
(fl.787), an authority on the life of the Prophet, was so eminent that
when he died in Baghdad the reigning caliph led the prayers at his
funeral.
A number of other scholars and poets connected with Sind are also
mentioned
in Arabic anthologies. Some of them were from the immigrant families,
but
many were of Sindhi origin and included descendants of captives taken
as
slaves during the Arab conquest or the later wars. The most notable
Arabic
poet of Sindhi origin was Abul Ata Sindhi, who was taken to Syria as a
captive during his childhood, and earned his manumission with a qasida
or ode. In spite of his command of literary Arabic, his pronunciation
of
Arabic words bore such traces of his origin that he had to engage a ravi
to recite his verses. He wrote forceful qasidas in praise of
the
Umayyad rulers and poignant elegies on their downfall.
Life
in the Arab dominion of Sind and Multan was simple, but agriculture and
commerce were highly developed. Masudi mentions a large number of
hamlets
in the principalities of Multan and Mansura, [[19]] and
apparently
the whole country was well cultivated. There was active commerce
between
Sind and other parts of the Muslim world, with caravans going to
Khurasan,
most commonly by the route of Kabul and Bamian. There were also
communications
with Zabulistan and Sijistan through Ghazni and Qandahar. Sindhi
Hindus,
who were excellent accountants and traders, had a major share in this
commerce,
and Alor is mentioned as a great commercial center. The prosperity of
the
area may be judged by the fact that Sind and Multan contributed eleven
and a half million dirhams to Abbasid revenue, while the total revenue
from the Kabul area in cash and cattle was less than two and a quarter
million dirhams./14/
Results of Arab Rule
Time,
man, and natural calamities have dealt harshly with the traces of Arab
rule in Sind. In 893 Debul was visited by a terrible earthquake which
practically
destroyed the whole city; the number of deaths was estimated at
150,000.
A similar calamity affected Brahmanabad at a later date, but more
permanent
causes of damage were the floods and the changes in the course of the
Indus.
The cumulative result is that not one of the Arab cities has survived,
and their very sites are uncertain.
It
is not surprising, therefore, that historians attach little importance
to Arab rule in Sind; yet though the visible traces of Arab ascendancy
have been obliterated, its invisible effects are many and far-reaching.
Most of them, of course, relate to the former province of Sind. The
script
adopted for the Sindhi language is Arabic, not the Perso-Arabic script
used for other Muslim languages of the subcontinent, and it contains a
large proportion of Arabic words, mutilated or intact. Several leading
Sindhi families are of Arab origin, and many more, although indigenous,
have changed their genealogical tables to claim Arab ancestry. Until
recently
the social pattern in Sind was largely tribal, the place of the Arab
shaikh
being taken by the Sindhi wadera (the word itself is a literal
translation
of the Arabic counterpart). Such Arab virtues as hospitality have
always
distinguished [[20]] Sind, and the standard of Arabic
scholarship
has also remained high. Even the landscape, before the recent
construction
of two barrages in Upper and Lower Sind, contained much to remind one
of
Arabia--the desert, the pastoral scene, many large groves of date-palm
trees, and the strings of camels.
In
two important spheres the impact of the Arabs--as we have already
seen--was
felt far beyond Sind and Multan. In the political field, the
arrangements
made by Muhammad ibn Qasim with the non-Muslims provided the basis for
later Muslim policy in the subcontinent. By the time Muslim rule was
established
at Lahore and Delhi, Islamic law had been codified and contained
stringent
provisions regarding idol-worshipers. The fact that those provisions
were
not followed and the Hindus were treated as "people of the book" was
largely
due to the fact that they had been given this status by Muhammad ibn
Qasim,
and that for centuries this liberal practice had been built up in Sind
and Multan.
The
second important consequence of the Arab conquest of Sind--the cultural
and intellectual contacts--came to an end when Baghdad lost political
control
over the area. Arabic literature henceforth looked elsewhere than to
India
for inspiration, and Sanskrit works were no longer translated by Hindu
scholars in Baghdad.
Although
Arab conquest had been confined to the southern part of what is now
West
Pakistan, peaceful contacts were far more extensive. Arab sailors and
traders
plied their trade along the coast, and soon after the rise of Islam we
find colonies of Muslim Arabs at a number of major ports such as
Cambay,
Chaul, and Honawar. Muslims had reached Ceylon even earlier, and the
Arab
invasion of Sind was, as we have seen, a measure of reprisal for the
plunder
and imprisonment of Muslim widows and orphans returning from Ceylon.
Hajjaj,
who organized the expedition to Sind, was also indirectly responsible
for
the establishment of a large colony of Muslim Arabs in the South. When
he became the viceroy of Iraq, many political enemies fled his
jurisdiction,
seeking refuge on the southern coast of the subcontinent. They form the
nucleus of the important Nawayat community found on the Konkan coast of
Bombay and in Tinnevelly [[21]] district of Madras. Others
settled
along the Bay of Bengal, where the presence of Muslims is traceable
back
to the eighth century.
The
largest Arab coastal settlements, however, were in Malabar, where
Muslims
now form a substantial part of the population. One result of the Arab
settlement
was the conversion of a local ruler to Islam, an event which
undoubtedly
helped the position of the Muslim community. Another influence of the
arrival
of Muslims may possibly be seen in the great religious movements in
South
India in the ninth century. It has been suggested, although without
very
clear proof, that the religious ferment of the period may have owed
something
to Muslim ideas.
These
Muslim colonies on the coast are of interest also as they provided the
base from which missionaries, traders, and sailors went to the Far East
and spread Islam in Malaya and Indonesia. The movement to the East was
not only a result of the Arab share in the spice trade of Southeast
Asia,
but also a continuation of traditional Indian relations with the
countries
further east. Southeast Asia has since ancient times been greatly
influenced
by Indian religion, literature, and art, and with the spread of Islam
to
the key points of contact, Muslim influence replaced that of Brahmanism
and Buddhism. Bali remains Hindu to this day, but Malaya, Java, and
Sumatra
are predominantly Muslim, and owe their present religious and literary
tradition largely to the influences emanating from the Muslim colonies
on the coastline of the subcontinent. Emigrants who brought about this
transformation in Southeast Asia included Arab and Persian sailors and
traders, but the role of Muslims from Gujarat, Malabar, Coromandel, and
Bengal was not less important.
N O T E S
/1/
"Islam" is used for the religion, "Muslim" for a member of the
religious
community.
/2/
R. C. Majumdar, "The Arab Invasion of India," Journal of Indian
History,
Vol. X (1931), supplement.
/3/
H. M. Elliot and John Dowson, The History of India as Told by Its
Own
Historians (London, 1867-1877), I, 151.
/4/
Elliot and Dowson, I, 435.
/5/
Elliot and Dowson, I, 203.
/6/
Elliot and Dowson, I, 185-86.
/7/
Elliot and Dowson. I. 183-87.
/8/
E. C. Sachau, Alberuni's India (London, 1914), I, xxxi.
/9/
Jami, Nafahat al-uns (Bombay, 1872), p. 60.
/10/
S. S. Nadwi, Arab wa Hind ke ta'alluqat (Allahabad, 1950), pp.
127,
157-58.
/11/
S. A. Halim in Journal of the Asiatic Society of Pakistan, vol.
I (1956).
/12/
A. Z. Nadvi, Tarikh-i-Sind (Karachi, 1947), p. 196.
/13/
Elliot and Dowson, I, 465.
/14/
Elliot and Dowson, I, 471-72.
